Nabil Ferdaoussi is a PhD candidate in Social Anthropology at the University of Cape Town in South Africa. He holds a Bachelor’s degree in English Literature and a Master’s degree in Cultural Studies. Originally from the coastal town of Aourir in Agadir, Morocco, Nabil shares his insights on Climate Migration from an academic perspective, particularly focusing on Northern and Western Africa. His thoughts on regional integration and a different perspective on a borderless Africa are also documented.

Ruth: You are an academic expert on migration and borders in Northern and Western Africa, with a specific focus on climate migration and Migrant death and disappearance. Can you tell us a bit about that?

Nabil: An example of my work is the unfortunate incidents happening in Mauritania and Senegal. Many deaths and disappearances have been reported since the opening of this dangerous route in the Atlantic. The opening of the West African route reopened in 2020, and has, consequently, led to many migrant disappearances, especially after the total closure of the Central Mediterranean route. This teaches us one vital lesson: mobility cannot be stopped through a security lens. Despite the recent diplomatic tour of the Spanish Minister in Mauritania, Senegal and The Gambia.  On Circular Migration, stressing it as a win-win situation for all, it is evident that it is security-driven to ensure collaboration. However, new routes, tactics, and methods will appear to outsmart border control, but they will be dangerous and cost many migrant lives. The aftermath of the pandemic, inflation, and cycles of drought have made life unbearable in these migrants’ homelands.

Ruth: In line with what you’ve mentioned so far, how do you think the current border policies in Morocco and Western Africa impact Climate Migration, and what are the main challenges faced by migrants in these regions?

Nabil: First of all, climate change is one thing, but when we take climate change as a discourse extrapolated to the migration context, it becomes another thing. Well, I think the European Union tries to operationalize climate change to deter migrants, which confounds solutions to climate change with the adoption of a security approach to migration. The second, softer approach presents itself with programs like green reintegration of deported migrants. Part of the green transition is to encourage more West African countries to be greener when it comes to reintegration. However there are many contradictions in green reintegration, especially through programs subcontracted to International Organizations like IOM, which create small-scale projects for people affected by rapid-onset climate change. However, in these countries, people face drastic climate issues, particularly because these same Europeans come and exhaust the water resources and lands of these countries, deepening colonial exploitation. I guess the main challenge we should be asking is, “What does the EU want?” Because this green or circular migration is a post-colonial cliché of labor exploitation. They want the labor force of migrants, but they don’t want migrants themselves, which is a contradiction of what they call circular migration which is part of the mobility partnerships the EU has with North and West African countries.

Ruth: What is the historical context of borders in Northern Africa, and how have colonial legacies jumpstarted these problems we’re having with climate migration?

Nabil: After independence, the aftermath of the Second World War led to a demographic shortage in postwar Europe. Because of this, the many Europeans started to recruit North Africans into their armies, especially France, and and for labour shortage as in the case of Netherlands and Belgium. In the Sous region, for example, almost all men in certain villagers have been recruited as Tabors by Félix Mora between the 50s and 70s. Later on, in the 1980s, along with the development projects that were taking place, a serious drought occurred, which kickstarted the need for mass exodus, especially towards urban spaces, like Casablanca. The drought caused internal displacement, leading people to move from rural to urban areas, and from those urban areas, they started moving to Europe. But the discourse of climate migration started to hold sway only after the so-called ‘migration crisis’ in 2015. This, in turn, framed migration as a crisis, a problem, and a threat that requires serious military and diplomatic interventions.

Ruth: What roles do you think organizations like the AU and EU play in promoting a borderless Africa, and do you think they have been effective?

Nabil: When it comes to a borderless Africa or encouraging regional movements, it’s a much-needed continental project, a pan-African one par excellence. But there are security reverberations behind it. So what I see in this is a borderless enclosure that would dissuade impoverished Africans from moving beyond continental borders. I don’t disagree with a borderless Africa, as long as we ensure a prosperous Africa for Africans.  Hence, for me, a borderless Africa in this context means a bordering Africa.

Ruth: Do you think the concept of a borderless Africa will threaten the upholding of colonial and post-colonial inhibitions that have been put in place?

Nabil: We are a borderless Africa, de facto. Illegally, Africans are moving. People are moving across Africa; a borderless Africa exists. However, I believe the one we have now is emerging out of turmoil and crisis. It’s not a sort of ceremonial, triumphant borderless movement; it is a result of wars and forced displacements. So, the idea being presented now, what the AU designates as borderless Africa, is one that I would describe as utopian. But not a well-meaning one.

Ruth: Have you had any bad experiences traveling across the continent? Especially considering that regional integration could rid us of unnecessary border experiences.

Nabil: Unfortunately, yes. The sad thing is that it’s not even border patrols that have given me these bad experiences. The externalization of the check process has introduced new worries into the system. A private security company agent asked me recently to show them my return ticket before I could pass for checking at the travel agency desk.—not even a travel agent —before I could proceed to the passport control area, where my actual passport would be checked.

Ruth: Thank you, Nabil. It’s been such an interesting conversation. As we wrap up, what does a borderless Africa mean to you?

Nabil: A borderless Africa, for me, means an interregional integration of African countries, one that brings all regions together under the banner of socioeconomic and demographic prosperity to form blocks that can compete with global powers, economies, and agendas. Africa has the potential, the demographic, and the resources to do so. What we need is a genuine intervention into the issues we have and a radical reform of policies that go beyond colonial tropes repackaged in neoliberal narratives. We can achieve a lot together, and friction serves only to benefit the enemy. Without erected challenges like Afrophobia and xenophobia, united together we can achieve much more.

As my conversation with Nabil draws to a close, it is clear that his expertise on climate migration exposes an issue that not a lot of people were aware of. The issue of Climate as a border. He has generously shared a link to an article he wrote concerning this topic.

Here’s an excerpt: “Before it’s anything else, migration is a culture. It’s deeply enshrined in the sociocultural imaginaries of West and North African countries. In Morocco we think of Zmagria; in Niger we recall les exodants. Putting the blame on climate as the driver of mass mobility not only uncovers the redundancy of this securitized approach but also obscures the socioeconomic ills deeply entrenched in colonial legacies of climate injustice, environmental destruction, and exploitation in Africa. The continent has barely 4 percent of the global share of carbon dioxide emissions, and its riches and resources are deemed the Pharmakon of the World, to use a phrase by Achille Mbembe. Yet Africa is the hardest hit by climate change and bears the brunt of the world’s combustion.”

As we conclude this enlightening conversation with Nabil, it is evident that his insights challenge us to rethink how we approach migration and climate change, urging us to see beyond surface-level narratives and acknowledge the complex historical and socioeconomic factors at play. We are grateful to Nabil for sharing his knowledge and the excerpt from his thought-provoking article, which invites us to delve deeper into this critical discussion. For those interested in exploring this topic further, I highly recommend reading the full article.

For those inspired by Nabil’s research, if you would also like to share your story with us regarding mobility on the continent and the African Union’s FMP, please don’t hesitate to reach out. We’re eager to hear from you.

To read Nabil’s full article, visit: Climate as border (africasacountry.com)